Anwar DANDACHI on Nostr: This may be true, unfortunately. Equally unfortunate is that sometimes leaders of ...
This may be true, unfortunately. Equally unfortunate is that sometimes leaders of resistance movements (in this case, perhaps the PFLP) may align themselves with supposed allies over fellow resistance fighters.
It is equally possible—and equally unfortunate—that the only reason the PFLP is aligning with Assad is because Assad currently allows Iranian aid to reach Palestine. Syrian resistance, Kurdish resistance, and Palestinian resistance should be fighting for the same rights.
However, these movements often:
1. Become hijacked and corrupted (e.g., by so called “Islamist” ideology or otherwise).
2. Are pitted against each other through divide-and-conquer strategies.
3. Fail to recognize, due to historic grievances, that they should be fighting for the same cause.
For example:
Historically, countries like Syria and Iraq have committed genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and other atrocities against the Kurds. These regimes have also often suppressed religious liberties. In Syria, the Sunni majority was often controlled and oppressed by an Alawite minority.
In the case of the Kurds, these historical grievances push them to rebel against Saddam Hussein or Bashar al-Assad. The Kurds found allies in Israel and the U.S., who opportunistically and regularly take advantage of the situation to destabilize the region, achieve strategic goals, and weaken anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist movements.
For the Sunnis, this oppression fuels radicalism and extremism, often supported by Israel and the U.S. Other marginalized and oppressed groups, in turn, these causes, including foreign fighters.
For the Palestinians, they often view Assad and Iran as necessary allies or even as true goodwill supporters.
What happens then?
The Kurds, carrying historical grievances against Arabs, may see Palestinians as siding with their oppressors. While also seeking necessary allies in the U.S. and Israel, the Kurds could form anti-Palestinian views, potentially even supporting Israel. (A similar dynamic was observed with Azerbaijan.)
The Sunnis, radicalized and fighting against Assad, Saddam, or the current Iraqi puppet government (a proxy for Iran), are fueled by sectarianism. Since these regimes are supported by Iran, a majority-Shiite power, sectarianism and extremism deepen on both sides. These extremists then pose an existential threat not only to Palestinians but also to minorities such as Christians, Kurds, Yazidis, Alawites, and Lebanese communities.
The Palestinians, in turn, view both the Kurdish and Sunni extremist movements as enemies.
Meanwhile, the Palestinian resistance, Syrian resistance, Kurdish resistance, and others fail to recognize that they are all fighting against the same enemies. We quickly forget, for instance, the treatment of Palestinian refugees by the Assad regime.
The real enemy?
It is not just the U.S. empire, Shia religious fundamentalism, Sunni religious fundamentalism, Jewish religious fundamentalism, Christian nationalism, Zionism, Iran, or other regional hegemonies.
It is all of the above.
It is equally possible—and equally unfortunate—that the only reason the PFLP is aligning with Assad is because Assad currently allows Iranian aid to reach Palestine. Syrian resistance, Kurdish resistance, and Palestinian resistance should be fighting for the same rights.
However, these movements often:
1. Become hijacked and corrupted (e.g., by so called “Islamist” ideology or otherwise).
2. Are pitted against each other through divide-and-conquer strategies.
3. Fail to recognize, due to historic grievances, that they should be fighting for the same cause.
For example:
Historically, countries like Syria and Iraq have committed genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and other atrocities against the Kurds. These regimes have also often suppressed religious liberties. In Syria, the Sunni majority was often controlled and oppressed by an Alawite minority.
In the case of the Kurds, these historical grievances push them to rebel against Saddam Hussein or Bashar al-Assad. The Kurds found allies in Israel and the U.S., who opportunistically and regularly take advantage of the situation to destabilize the region, achieve strategic goals, and weaken anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist movements.
For the Sunnis, this oppression fuels radicalism and extremism, often supported by Israel and the U.S. Other marginalized and oppressed groups, in turn, these causes, including foreign fighters.
For the Palestinians, they often view Assad and Iran as necessary allies or even as true goodwill supporters.
What happens then?
The Kurds, carrying historical grievances against Arabs, may see Palestinians as siding with their oppressors. While also seeking necessary allies in the U.S. and Israel, the Kurds could form anti-Palestinian views, potentially even supporting Israel. (A similar dynamic was observed with Azerbaijan.)
The Sunnis, radicalized and fighting against Assad, Saddam, or the current Iraqi puppet government (a proxy for Iran), are fueled by sectarianism. Since these regimes are supported by Iran, a majority-Shiite power, sectarianism and extremism deepen on both sides. These extremists then pose an existential threat not only to Palestinians but also to minorities such as Christians, Kurds, Yazidis, Alawites, and Lebanese communities.
The Palestinians, in turn, view both the Kurdish and Sunni extremist movements as enemies.
Meanwhile, the Palestinian resistance, Syrian resistance, Kurdish resistance, and others fail to recognize that they are all fighting against the same enemies. We quickly forget, for instance, the treatment of Palestinian refugees by the Assad regime.
The real enemy?
It is not just the U.S. empire, Shia religious fundamentalism, Sunni religious fundamentalism, Jewish religious fundamentalism, Christian nationalism, Zionism, Iran, or other regional hegemonies.
It is all of the above.